Esoteric Meandering Shouting Into the Void

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Oh, what a glorious time to be alive—if you happen to have a private jet, a few offshore accounts, and a team of accountants whose job is to make sure you pay less in taxes than the guy who stocks shelves at Walmart. Yes, the era of Donald the Deal Maker—the self-proclaimed “champion of the working man”—has once again proven that when a Republican says “America First,” what they really mean is “America’s Billionaires First, Everyone Else Can Fight for Crumbs.”

Let’s revisit the campaign trail fairy tales, shall we? Donald, in his infinite benevolence, promised lower prices on everything. Groceries? “They’ll be so cheap you’ll thank me.” Gas? “You’ll fill your tank for pennies.” Rent? “People will live like kings.” And healthcare—oh, that magical land where everyone would get “better, cheaper, and beautiful healthcare,” all while somehow dismantling everything that remotely resembled the Affordable Care Act. It was going to be “phenomenal,” “tremendous,” and “done within weeks.” Of course, in Trump Time™, “weeks” apparently translates to “never.”

So here we are. Prices are not down—they’re up. Way up. Housing is now a luxury good. Eggs are still apparently made of gold. And healthcare? Still a nightmare, unless your definition of “affordable” means taking out a second mortgage to fill your prescriptions. But don’t worry, Big Pharma is doing great! After all, those poor pharmaceutical CEOs were getting so tired of polishing only one yacht.

The Republican economic miracle has struck again: record profits for corporations, record bonuses for executives, and record anxiety for everyone else. It’s trickle-down economics at its finest—except the only thing trickling down is contempt. The working and middle classes are expected to smile politely while the ultra-rich get another round of tax breaks “for the good of the economy.” Spoiler alert: the economy in question is theirs, not yours.

Donald’s latest carnival act—pretending to care about the “forgotten American”—is as transparent as his tanning lotion. He talks about “draining the swamp,” but he built a golf course on it and sold memberships to his billionaire friends. The “forgotten men and women” he loves to mention at rallies? They’re now forgotten again—until the next election, when he’ll dust off the same tired promises, slap on a new hat, and shout, “Only I can fix it!”

And while the base cheers and waves their little red hats, the one percent pops champagne in Manhattan penthouses, laughing all the way to the bank. They know the game. They fund the campaign, write the tax laws, and get richer while the rest of America argues over who’s to blame for the rent hike.

So yes, Donald delivered—just not to you. The rent didn’t go down, your paycheck didn’t grow, and your grocery bill looks like a car payment. But the wealthy? Oh, they’re living the dream. The Trump presidency is the best return on investment they’ve ever had.

Congratulations, America. The “art of the deal” turned out to be the same as it’s always been: the rich make the deal, and the rest of us get the bill.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Long before they were dressing up in pointy hats and green face paint, witches were feared, revered, and misunderstood figures woven deep into the fabric of human superstition. The modern Halloween witch—with her broomstick, black cat, and bubbling cauldron—is a cartoonish shadow of her former self, but her roots stretch back thousands of years through folklore, religion, and pure, delicious fear.

The earliest witches were not the cackling villains of fairy tales but rather the local wise women, herbalists, and midwives of their communities. In ancient times, these women were often the closest thing a village had to a doctor. They knew which plants could heal and which could kill, and for that, they were both respected and feared. The line between “healer” and “sorceress” was a thin one—crossed only when crops failed, illness spread, or someone’s cow mysteriously stopped giving milk. Nothing says “witchcraft” like a case of bad luck with a convenient scapegoat.

It wasn’t until the rise of Christianity in Europe that witchcraft truly became a crime rather than a curiosity. Church leaders began branding any non-Christian spiritual practice as “devil worship,” and soon the village herbalist became a heretic. The infamous witch hunts of the 15th through 17th centuries—most notably the Salem Witch Trials—were less about flying broomsticks and more about fear, control, and the persecution of women who didn’t fit neatly into society’s boxes. The witch became the embodiment of everything patriarchal power feared: knowledge, independence, and feminine strength.

But as centuries passed, witches began to change form. In the 19th century, the rise of Romanticism and the Gothic imagination brought witches out of the darkness and into the candlelight of literature and art. Instead of being symbols of evil, they became mysterious, alluring figures—mystics, rebels, and even proto-feminists. Authors like Shakespeare and later, the Brothers Grimm, gave them complexity and charisma. By the time the 20th century rolled around, Hollywood had its broom ready.

From The Wizard of Oz’s Wicked Witch of the West to Bewitched’s lovable Samantha Stephens, witches took on new identities—sometimes frightening, sometimes funny, often fabulous. The witch became an entertainment staple: a vessel for everything from female empowerment to spooky comedy. Each generation remade her in its own image. The 1990s brought us Hocus Pocus and The Craft, where witches weren’t merely monsters, but the misfits and outcasts society tried to suppress. Sound familiar?

And that brings us to Halloween—the perfect holiday for the witch to reclaim her throne. The festival’s origins in Samhain, the ancient Celtic celebration marking the end of harvest and the beginning of winter, already involved honoring the spirits and the unseen. Witches, as keepers of the mystical and the forbidden, fit right in. Their imagery—black hats, cats, cauldrons, and full moons—melded seamlessly into Halloween’s eerie aesthetic.

Today, witches are as much a symbol of power as they are of fright. They decorate front lawns, fill candy buckets, and dominate costume contests—not as figures of fear, but as icons of autonomy and mystery. The witch has evolved from the hunted to the heroine, from the outcast to the icon.

So as you see witches flying across your neighborhood this Halloween—whether made of plastic, polyester, or pure imagination—remember that they carry with them centuries of transformation. Once feared, then misunderstood, and now celebrated, the witch has cast her final spell: turning persecution into power and terror into timeless allure.

And really, isn’t that the most magical trick of all? ✨🧙‍♀️

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Humans have always been great at drawing conclusions. Sometimes those conclusions are genius, sometimes they’re catastrophic, and sometimes they’re just so stupid you wonder if evolution made a wrong turn somewhere.

Take the period after the Civil War. Doctors—brilliant men with degrees and top hats—finally realized that maybe, just maybe, jamming unwashed hands into open wounds wasn’t the best medical practice. Shocking discovery: germs exist! Soap exists! Fewer dead soldiers! It was a lightbulb moment, and humanity has generally benefited ever since.

Then came the 1970s, when cars had more chrome than sense, and America learned the magical truth of the seatbelt. Strap yourself in and—voilà—you’re far less likely to launch through a windshield like a crash-test projectile. Of course, plenty of rugged individualists screamed about “freedom” and how buckling up was tyranny. They wanted the liberty to eat their steering wheel at 60 miles per hour, and by God, they fought for it. Still, common sense eventually won, and today most people buckle up without thinking twice.

But not all conclusions have been so straightforward. The tobacco lobby, for example, spent decades assuring us that cigarettes were not only safe, but downright glamorous. Doctors lit up in ads. Movie stars puffed away like chimneys. It wasn’t until decades of cancer-filled coffins piled up that the truth became undeniable: smoking kills. Who could’ve guessed that inhaling burning tar and nicotine 20 times a day wasn’t a recipe for health and vitality?

Which brings us to today’s carnival of stupidity. Somewhere along the line, a group of self-proclaimed experts decided that Tylenol causes autism. Don’t ask how they connected those dots—maybe they spilled a bottle of pills on a Rorschach test—but the conclusion stuck in some circles. No studies. No evidence. Just pure, unfiltered nuttery, repackaged as “truth.” It’s the kind of conclusion that makes you wonder if someone spiked the national water supply with discount conspiracy juice.

And yet, here’s the kicker: while we can make up fairy tales about Tylenol and autism, while we can cling to fantasies about cigarettes being harmless and seatbelts being optional, we still somehow can’t draw a straight line from guns to school shootings. Thousands of kids dead or traumatized, entire communities shattered, classrooms turned into crime scenes—and the official conclusion? “Thoughts and prayers.” It’s as if the logic wiring in our collective brain short-circuits the second firearms are involved. Guns don’t kill people, after all, except for the tiny inconvenient fact that they absolutely do, and regularly, in schools, churches, grocery stores, and pretty much anywhere people gather.

So yes, humans love drawing conclusions. Sometimes we get soap. Sometimes we get seatbelts. Sometimes we get decades of cigarette commercials starring the Marlboro Man hacking up a lung. And sometimes we get conspiracy theories about Tylenol. But the real tragedy? We still live in a country that will trace imaginary lines from aspirin to autism but can’t follow the bloody, neon-lit trail from guns to school shootings. If there’s a conclusion to be drawn, it’s this: we’re not short on brains—we’re short on using them.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Donald Trump, also known as the Orange Menace, stood before cameras during his campaign and swore up and down that he knew nothing about Project 2025. Never heard of it. Didn’t read it. Couldn’t spell it if you spotted him the “P” and the “r.” He practically gave it the Mariah Carey “I don’t know her” treatment.

Of course, Democrats everywhere rolled their eyes so hard we risked spraining optic nerves. Because let’s be honest: the very same man who swears he’s unfamiliar with Project 2025 is now governing with what looks suspiciously like its table of contents taped to the Oval Office wall. And, shocker of shockers, the Heritage Foundation–crafted demolition derby of American democracy is being implemented piece by executive piece. Surprise? Not in the least. Terrified about how much damage he can rack up before we claw our way back? Absolutely.

Step One: Break the Machinery

On Day One, Donnie signed an executive order freezing new regulations, torching Biden-era rules, and generally handing federal agencies a “Gone Fishing” sign. This just happens to be exactly what Project 2025 prescribes: weaken the bureaucracy so the President can run the country like a particularly vengeful HOA president. Democrats weren’t surprised. We were too busy calculating how many years of litigation it’ll take to glue the machinery back together. Spoiler: probably longer than it takes Trump to spell “bureaucracy.”

Step Two: History, But Make It MAGA

Trump also signed an order to “restore truth and sanity” to American history, which in practice means re-erecting Confederate statues and giving the Smithsonian a makeover so future generations will learn that slavery was just “involuntary agricultural internships.” NPR and PBS funding? Axed. Because nothing screams “strength” like silencing Big Bird. Democrats? Not shocked. We knew this was coming the minute Tucker Carlson’s ghostwriting interns started salivating over Project 2025.

Step Three: Goodbye Department of Education

Trump directed the Secretary of Education to dismantle the entire department, because if there’s one thing MAGA loves more than football season, it’s pretending that kids learn best when states are free to teach that the Earth is 6,000 years old and Jesus invented the musket. Democrats again weren’t surprised. We were just stockpiling Advil for the migraine of undoing this once Congress inevitably remembers the Department of Education can’t actually be killed off with a Sharpie signature.

Step Four: Civil Rights? Never Heard of Her

Diversity, equity, and inclusion programs? Gutted. Anti-discrimination protections? Peeled back like wallpaper in a condemned building. Project 2025 literally brags about wanting to turn back civil rights enforcement. Trump signed on without hesitation, even while claiming total ignorance. Democrats? Still not surprised. Just wondering how many federal judges it’ll take to drag this mess back into the 21st century.

Step Five: Law and Disorder

Declaring emergencies, deploying troops to Portland, labeling “Antifa” a terrorist organization—basically, Donnie’s dream cosplay as a tin-pot dictator. Again, straight from Project 2025’s script. Democrats? Still not surprised. Still terrified. Because every time he swings an executive order like a sledgehammer, we know it’ll take decades to hammer the dents out.

Conclusion: The Long Game of Repair

Here’s the thing: not a single Democrat is shocked by Trump’s Project 2025 cosplay. We all knew his “I don’t know her” act was as believable as his net worth claims. The horror isn’t that he’s doing it—it’s how fast he’s doing it, and how long it’ll take to undo. The real fear is that while it only takes him a couple of hours and a Sharpie to break things, it takes Democrats years of litigation, legislation, and sheer human endurance to repair the damage.

So no, we’re not surprised. Just exhausted preemptively. And stocking up on duct tape, because apparently America is going to need a lot of it.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

The government is shutting down again, and according to the GOP, it’s all the Democrats’ fault. Yes, you heard that right—the Democrats, who currently wield about as much power as a broken light switch in a haunted house, are somehow the ones who brought the mighty machine of government grinding to a halt. Meanwhile, Republicans hold the House, the Senate, the White House, and their own personal kangaroo court in the Supreme Court. But sure—let’s all pretend Nancy Pelosi snuck into the budget vault at midnight and flipped the “off” switch out of spite.

The truth? The GOP could solve this whole mess with the casual flick of a wrist. They’ve got all the levers of power in their sweaty palms. If they wanted to pass a budget, they could do it faster than Marjorie Taylor Greene can post a conspiracy meme. But they don’t want to govern; they want chaos. They thrive on it. Picture them as cartoon villains, huddled around a table, stroking cats and twirling mustaches, cackling as they ask, “How can we make the American people suffer today?”

Because this isn’t about responsibility. It’s about performance. They’re not lawmakers; they’re chaos gremlins. They love the shutdown theater, love watching Americans squirm while federal workers get furloughed and vital services freeze up. And in the middle of their little pantomime, they point a finger at Democrats—“It’s their fault!”—with the kind of shameless grin usually reserved for Scooby-Doo villains right before the mask gets yanked off.

And the irony, oh the irony: these so-called fiscal hawks, who lecture us endlessly about living within our means, will happily torch billions in shutdown costs just to prove they’re in charge. They’ll nickel-and-dime food stamps but shovel gold bars at defense contractors. They’ll shriek about “waste” when it comes to healthcare or education, then treat billionaire tax cuts like manna from heaven. All while laughing maniacally as the gears of government grind to dust.

Let’s call it what it is: the GOP isn’t governing; they’re auditioning for a Saturday morning cartoon. The only things missing are capes and giant “evil lairs” shaped like elephants. They have absolute power, yet their idea of leadership is holding the country hostage and blaming the victims. It’s mustache-twirling villainy at its laziest, and the punchline is always the same: the American people lose, and the Republicans laugh all the way to the next shutdown.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

As someone who takes delight in language—its quirks, its secret histories, its strange betrayals—I’ve always been fascinated (and mildly annoyed) by the word October. After all, I learned early on that octo- means eight. An octopus has eight tentacles. An octagon has eight sides. An octave spans eight notes. Consistency is a beautiful thing, especially for those of us who savor the architecture of words. But then October arrives, strutting onto the calendar as the tenth month of the year, as if it either doesn’t know or doesn’t care that its very name is screaming eight. It’s linguistic gaslighting of the highest order.

The confusion, however, isn’t the fault of the word—it’s the fault of history. Originally, in the Roman calendar (before Julius Caesar and his reforming pen showed up), the year began in March. That made March the first month, April the second, and so on. In that arrangement, October really was the eighth month. Its neighbors, September (septem = seven) and November (novem = nine), and December (decem = ten) all fit neatly in line like disciplined soldiers marching in numerical order. Back then, the language was logical, the numbers matched, and the world of Latin etymology made sense.

But human meddling has a way of upsetting linguistic order. Around 45 BCE, Julius Caesar introduced the Julian calendar, realigning the year so it began in January rather than March. This little act of bureaucratic calendar reform nudged all the months forward, and suddenly October was bumped down to tenth place. The name, however, didn’t change. Language is often stubborn like that—it clings to its roots even when the world it describes has shifted. So now, October is the tenth month with a name forever bound to the number eight.

This leaves us with a delightful absurdity. The calendar is a living fossil of Roman political tinkering, and the word October carries inside it the ghost of an earlier time. To a language connoisseur, that’s part of the beauty: words don’t just describe the present—they preserve the past. They carry within them little time capsules of history, reminding us of the way the world once was.

Of course, the irony extends beyond October. September still parades around as the “seventh” month even though it’s the ninth. November and December, meanwhile, are two months late to their own numerical party. It’s as if the entire final quarter of the year is one long running joke, a reminder that language is a patchwork quilt stitched across centuries, never perfectly aligned.

So yes, October may not be the eighth month anymore, but in its name, it remains forever octo—forever linked to the linguistic family of octagons and octopuses. And maybe that’s fitting. After all, the beauty of language is not in its perfection but in its contradictions, in the way it reveals history even when it seems illogical. October is a word out of time, a reminder that while numbers may be rigid, language bends and meanders, carrying echoes of the past into the present.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

This would be my proposal if I were ever to be in the US government in a position of power congressman or senator. I have thought this through and believe that my title would rather than be do your job act would be get off your fucking ass act but do your job act sounds more professional.

The “Do Your Job Act of 2025”

A Proposal by Representative [American Poeple]

Section 1. Short Title.

This Act shall be cited as the “Do Your Job Act of 2025.”

Section 2. Findings and Purpose.

Congress finds that:

The United States Constitution grants Congress the power of the purse, including the responsibility to draft, debate, and pass a federal budget. In recent years, Congress has failed to perform this most basic duty, instead relying on short-term Continuing Resolutions (CRs), which are the legislative equivalent of duct tape on a sinking ship. Members of Congress are paid to legislate, not to procrastinate. If Members cannot pass a budget, they should not be paid for failing to do the job they were elected to do. Accountability begins at home. The American people should not shoulder the consequences of congressional dysfunction while Members of Congress continue to collect full paychecks.

The purpose of this Act is to ensure Members of Congress are financially accountable for their failure to pass a real budget.

Section 3. Salary Withholding for Failure to Pass a Budget.

(a) If Congress fails to pass a federal budget by the start of the new fiscal year (October 1), then:

All salaries for Members of Congress shall be suspended immediately until such time that a budget is passed and signed into law.

(b) During such suspension, no retroactive pay shall be issued. Pay forfeited is permanently lost.

Section 4. Penalty for Overuse of Continuing Resolutions.

(a) For each Continuing Resolution (CR) enacted in place of a full budget, every Member of Congress shall face a 10% reduction in their base annual salary, applied immediately and permanently.

(b) Reductions shall be cumulative. For example:

First CR = 10% reduction. Second CR = 20% reduction. Third CR = 30% reduction, and so forth.

(c) Should Congress attempt to rely exclusively on CRs rather than pass a budget, Members shall continue to forfeit salary until such time that an actual federal budget is enacted.

Section 5. Applicability.

This Act applies equally to all Members of the House of Representatives and the Senate, regardless of party affiliation, seniority, or committee assignment.

Section 6. Severability.

If any provision of this Act is found to be unconstitutional or otherwise invalid, the remaining provisions shall not be affected.

Section 7. Effective Date.

This Act shall take effect beginning Fiscal Year 2026.

Closing Statement:

The American people show up for work every day knowing that if they don’t do their jobs, they don’t get paid. Congress should live by the same rules. Passing budgets is not optional. It is literally our job description. If we cannot pass one, we should not profit from our incompetence.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Ah yes, nothing screams “leadership” quite like setting up a meeting with the nation’s top generals and immediately showing them that you’ve got all the tactical depth of a Call of Duty lobby. The whole performance was supposed to project strength, dominance, the aura of a man who could command armies and reshape global strategy. Instead, it conveyed all the gravitas of a kid in his dad’s suit demanding to be called “sir.”

The goal was clear: he wanted to look like the new Secretary of War—yes, War—because apparently “Defense” just sounds too wimpy. You see, “Defense” implies protecting the country, safeguarding interests, thinking strategically. But “War”? Oh, that’s so much tougher, so much manlier. You can practically smell the testosterone dripping off the word. He wanted to be the guy with the big red button on his desk, not the one reading nuanced policy briefings about cyber threats or supply chain resilience. Subtlety, after all, is for cowards.

And then—like clockwork—enter Trump. Because what’s a meeting with generals without Trump’s personal brand of wisdom, right? It’s like inviting a drunk uncle to Thanksgiving dinner: you know it’s going to be a trainwreck, but you can’t stop watching. Trump’s input didn’t just fail to help; it actively made things worse. The generals were probably sitting there thinking, Do we salute? Do we laugh? Or do we just start drawing up early retirement papers?

Trump, of course, has always been obsessed with appearances over substance. He doesn’t want a military that functions—he wants a military that poses. And this is where his hype man Pete Hegseth comes in. Their shared dream seems to be a Pentagon run like Hollywood central casting. Forget logistics, forget strategy, forget making sure soldiers have working gear or adequate mental health care—what really matters is whether the troops look like they just stepped off the set of a Michael Bay movie. Square jaws, polished boots, gleaming medals, and uniforms crisp enough to cut glass. Who cares if the policy behind them is a dumpster fire, as long as they make a good backdrop for the photo op?

The generals, men and women who’ve spent decades worrying about actual combat readiness, had to sit there and endure Trump and Hegseth’s fantasies about turning the armed forces into a propaganda fashion show. It wasn’t about strength—it was about optics. It was about the image of power, not the reality of it. A military designed to win wars? Please. That’s boring. They wanted a military designed to look good in glossy campaign ads, with Trump standing proudly in front, like some kind of spray-tanned Caesar.

The problem, of course, is that Trump always thinks “toughness” means yelling louder, puffing his chest, or bragging about things he doesn’t understand. So instead of sober discussion on strategy, you get a pep rally about “winning so much you’ll be tired of winning” and vague mutterings about “the best missiles, the biggest missiles, missiles like you’ve never seen before.” Meanwhile, the generals—actual professionals who’ve dedicated their lives to military service—have to nod politely as the man with zero military experience lectures them on how wars are “easy to win if you’re smart, which I am, very smart.”

So we ended up with a spectacle: a wannabe Secretary of War trying to cosplay as General Patton, only with less credibility and a worse haircut, backed by a former president whose military experience consists of avoiding the draft with bone spurs. And standing right behind him, Hegseth beaming like a stage mom at a middle school play, gushing about how amazing the uniforms look under the lights.

Together, they projected all the strength of a wet paper bag in a thunderstorm. By trying so hard to look strong, they looked weaker than ever. The generals didn’t see fearless warriors. They saw two wannabe casting directors trying to turn the U.S. military into a bad reality show, mistaking bluster for power and costumes for capability.

At the end of the day, the whole charade made one thing very clear: if you have to insist you’re strong, you’re not. And if you need Trump and Pete Hegseth to design your military like it’s a Marvel movie trailer, you’ve already lost the plot.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Ladies and gentlemen, patriots, and believers in the best health care the galaxy has ever seen—welcome to TrumpCare 2.0: The Med Bed Revolution. Forget Obamacare, forget Medicare, forget every plan in human history, because Donald J. Trump has done what no other president has dared: he has cut out doctors, nurses, and scientists, and gone straight to the aliens.

For years, Trump promised a “phenomenal healthcare plan.” Reporters asked where it was, Democrats begged for details, and even Republicans scratched their heads. The answer, it turns out, was hidden in Area 51 the whole time. Forget premiums, deductibles, or co-pays. Now, all you need is a golden ticket and a MAGA hat to climb into your very own extraterrestrial tanning bed.

Cancer? Gone in 30 minutes. Broken hip? Reset by cosmic vibrations. Wrinkles? Not on Trump’s watch—he’ll be the first president to campaign at 100 years old while looking like he just stepped off The Apprentice. These med beds don’t just heal, they resurrect—so don’t be surprised if Trump’s 2028 running mate is George Washington himself.

Of course, the fine print is where things get tricky. Who pays for these alien spa pods? Are they made in America or shipped from Mars? Will Blue Cross cover it, or do you need Elon Musk to sponsor your deductible? Don’t ask too many questions—because, as Trump himself would say, “Nobody knows more about alien technology than me, believe me.”

The reality is, this isn’t healthcare policy—it’s a bedtime story for the gullible. Americans deserve a functioning system where families aren’t bankrupted by a hospital visit. Instead, Trump is selling snake oil wrapped in a sci-fi fantasy. If his first term was empty promises, his second is interstellar comedy.

So here it is, folks: the “big, beautiful healthcare plan” we’ve all been waiting for. Not Medicare for All, not private market reform, not even a serious conversation. Just TrumpCare: Powered by aliens, endorsed by QAnon, and coming soon to a spaceship near you.

Dwain Northey (Gen X)

Mike Johnson, the self-anointed God Warrior of the House, struts around with his gavel like it’s the staff of Moses, but the only thing he ever manages to part is common sense. This is the man, the baby Speaker, who is once again threatening to shut down the government—not because Democrats want to rewrite the Constitution, not because they’re demanding socialism or free puppies for everyone, but because they asked for one small thing: remove the GOP’s “right of rescission” from the continuing resolution. That’s it. The tiniest tweak to keep the lights on. But Johnson, backed by his band of ghouls in red ties, would rather burn down the entire government than give Democrats the satisfaction of fixing a problem.

And let’s remember: Mike Johnson and his GOP wrecking crew haven’t actually passed a budget. Not one. Not since he picked up the gavel. The “fiscally responsible” Republican Party is running the country on Nancy Pelosi’s budget like freeloaders crashing at their ex’s apartment, still eating her groceries while screaming about how awful she is. Every continuing resolution is a Pelosi hand-me-down, but somehow Johnson and his cult of chaos spin this as leadership. If this is leadership, then a three-year-old in a tantrum aisle at Walmart is a statesman.

But Johnson isn’t just a failure at governance—he’s also a hypocrite of biblical proportions. This self-proclaimed devout Christian has shattered one of the Ten Commandments in full view of the world. “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image”? Please. Johnson practically polishes the golden calf himself: an idol with an oversized red tie, an orange-tinted face, and hair that looks like it was spun from fool’s gold. Donald J. Trump isn’t just his political leader—he’s his deity. Johnson and the GOP don’t worship God anymore. They worship Trump, the twice-impeached, four-times-indicted false prophet of Mar-a-Lago. Sunday sermons are for show; the real altar is at a rally, lit by MAGA hats and cheap fireworks.

And Johnson is far from alone in this disgrace. The entire Republican Party has followed him into this pit of idolatry. They don’t legislate; they litigate against democracy itself. They don’t solve problems; they create crises and then blame Democrats for cleaning up the mess. They pretend to care about the debt but will gleefully tank the economy if it means sticking it to Joe Biden. They claim to defend freedom but spend their days attacking women’s rights, voting rights, and basic human decency. It’s not a political party anymore—it’s a doomsday cult with a tax break.

The GOP’s strategy these days is simple: break the government, cry that the government doesn’t work, then demand more power to fix the mess they created. Johnson is just the latest empty suit in this endless parade of incompetence. He’s not leading, he’s babysitting—a squabbling caucus of arsonists who want credit for burning down the building while demanding hazard pay.

What makes it all worse is the sanctimony. Johnson cloaks himself in religion and righteousness while leading a party of grifters, liars, and sycophants. They call themselves patriots while cheering on a man who tried to overturn an election. They call themselves Christians while erecting golden shrines to a conman who wouldn’t recognize humility or honesty if it bit him in the spray tan. They claim to be for “the people,” yet every action they take proves they’re only for themselves—and for the bloated ego of the man-child they’ve enthroned as their false messiah.

So here we are again: government on the brink of shutdown, not because Democrats are intractable, but because the GOP refuses to govern. Johnson and his Republican colleagues would rather hold the country hostage than admit Nancy Pelosi’s budget is the only thing keeping the lights on. They’d rather worship at Trump’s altar than actually serve the people they were elected to represent.

History will remember Johnson and this GOP not as leaders, but as vandals—cowards who mistook obstruction for strategy, who confused idolatry for faith, who chose loyalty to a golden-haired fraud over duty to the Constitution. They are not guardians of democracy. They are its saboteurs.

And when the government shutters and chaos follows, Mike Johnson won’t be Moses leading his people to the Promised Land. He’ll be the guy clutching his Bible in one hand, his gavel in the other, and bowing to the graven image in the red tie—while the rest of America pays the price for his cowardice.